Chronology of Deep State Assets executed by the US Military (Part XVII – George W. Bush)

Witness testimony in combination with Rumsfeld tapes, proved conclusively that George W. Bush, Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld were the architects of 9/11. Bush was hanged at GITMO on January 4, 2022

April  14, 2022

U.S. Special Forces arrested former President George W. Bush Saturday morning November 13, 2021 at his Crawford, Texas ranch following a blistering firefight with Secret Service agents and private security contractors assigned to protect him.

Judge Advocate Corps (JAG) and the Office of Military Commissions charged Bush with treason for propelling the nation into war under false pretenses and is being held to account for the deaths of thousands of American soldiers in Iraq and Afghanistan and for his role in masterminding 9/11, in addition to other crimes.

Since January 2021, JAG has had a 100% conviction rate, but not all Deep State despots received a sentence of execution. Bill Clinton, for example, got life in prison, only to be poisoned in his cell.

The 43rd president has purportedly retained Williams & Connolly, a prestigious D.C. law firm, to represent him at trial.

Senior Counsel David D. Aufhauser asserted Bush’s innocence but demanded an additional 90 days to prepare a rebuttal, but JAG denied tribunal extension.

JAG’s evidence would demonstratively prove that Bush, while serving as the 43rd President of the United States, knowingly committed multiple acts of treason on the nation and its people, and that those transgressions included war crimes and conspiring with hostile foreign governments, contributed to the deaths of 8,793 soldiers in Iraq and Afghanistan.

“Evidence will show Bush profited massively from his illegal wars,” Rear Adm. Crandall said, “and that is partly why we are seeking 1 count of murder for every life lost during those wars. Consolidating the fatalities to a lesser number of charges would marginalize the lives lost, the families destroyed.”

Rear Adm. Crandall proved beyond all doubt that Bush had lied about the number of people who perished in the North and South Towers of the World Trade Center. JAG, he told the panel, had evidence that directly countered official narrative.

“We’ve been led to believe 2,997 died when the towers fell. This was a lie to soften the blow, so to speak. The genuine number is between 6,950-7,000, and when we begin discussing evidence and presenting witnesses on Friday, you’ll see how we arrived at that number. You’ll hear an audio recording of Bush, in his own voice and words, discussing with his senior staff reasons for obscuring the truth,” Rear Adm. Crandall said.

Aufhauser said. “Even the 9/11 Commission Report exonerated my client of any responsibility for 9/11. Tragic loss of life, yes, but not my client’s fault.”

“Your client commissioned the report. It points fingers at everyone but him and Cheney. Our evidence will prove the report is filled with inaccuracies and fallacies to shift blame away from the defendant,” Rear Adm. Crandall said.

“Prosecution will also prove that no plane struck the Pentagon, and that United Airlines Flight 93 was, on Bush and Cheney’s orders, shot down. The buck doesn’t stop there.”

George W. Bush had been president less than a year when thoughts of wealth, power, and influence consumed his malleable mind and set him on a one-way path to evil. Influenced by a vice president whose moral turpitude eclipsed his own, Bush converted the Oval Office into a den of depravity, a sinister sanctum where he and his cancerous cabal plotted to kill three birds with one stone, as a modified version of the saying goes. Find a way to legitimize seizing foreign oil while also capturing, and profiting from, the expansive opium fields covering the vast landscape of Afghanistan. He also, of course, wanted to finish what his father had started in Iraq—deposing or assassinating Saddam Hussein. Moreover, Bush felt Americans had too many freedoms, and he desperately sought to curtail the rights and freedoms Americans hold dear.

That was Rear Adm. Darse E. Crandall’s opening message, as George W. Bush’s tribunal resumed Friday morning, December 10, 2021 at Guantanamo Bay.

The first item Rear Adm. Crandall offered into evidence was a microcassette with three distinct voices: George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, and Donald Rumsfeld’s.

Three independent experts, he told the panel, had digitally compared voices on the tape against over 150 publicly available recordings of the three men, and determined with reasonable certainty (97.5%) that the voices indeed belonged to Bush, Cheney, and Rumsfeld.

“We don’t know the exact date this conversation took place, but we can infer through the conversation it was approximately three months before 9/11,” Rear Adm. Crandall said, and pressed the play button.

Bush: “If we’re doing this, we have to go all in, you know. And after it’s done, we’ll need a damn good excuse to sell Congress, and our hands, they’ll have to be squeaky clean.”

Cheney: “They’ll be no ties to us. And our hands—well, they’ll be bathed in bleach.”

Bush: “How much is this gonna cost?”

Cheney: “Who cares? It’s not our money (Cheney laughs) and we get richer at taxpayer expense. I can set everything up, but I need your ok on it.”

Rumsfeld: “If we want this for September, we don’t have a lot of preparation time, maybe 3 months.”

Cheney: “Don, the government works efficiently when we need it to. We do this, and a lot of information we don’t want made public goes away forever. We blame Bin Laden—I don’t think we need him anymore—and after the dust settles in New York and Washington, we bomb the shit out of Kabul. No one cares if we destroy some ancient stone buildings and thatch huts. And you get to show off shiny new weapons.”

Bush: “And the world will buy it? They’ll believe some poorly funded Jihadists managed to pull off the most sophisticated and deadly terror attack in history, and on American soil? I’m all for killing the fuckers, Dick, but they’ll believe this?”

Cheney: “You’re the fucking president, George, they’ll believe whatever you tell them to believe.”

Rear Adm. Crandall paused the tape. “This obviously is not the first conversation they had on planning 9/11, but this alone speaks volumes and—”

Aufhauser stood, raising an objection. “This seems highly improper. You suddenly have a magic tape, a smoking gun, and expect us to accept its legitimacy. Until now, Defense had no knowledge of the tape. Wouldn’t it have been proper to provide us a copy, so we, too, could’ve had it tested for authenticity. Could you tell us, please, where you obtained this tape?”

“I can: Rumsfeld made it. All I can say is it was discovered among his personal possessions after he suicided himself at his tribunal,” Rear Adm. Crandall said.

“Why would he have made a recording that could eventually incriminate him?” Aufhauser asked.

“How should I know, and that’s not our concern. Maybe he wanted an insurance policy in case the plan went south and George and Dick tried to pin the blame on him, but I don’t engage in speculation, only fact. And fact is, that is George, Dick, and Don on that tape,” Rear Adm. Crandall said sardonically.

Aufhauser asked why, if the tape was authentic, Cheney wasn’t sitting beside Bush as a co-defendant.

“Because he fled the country the same night George was arrested. An interesting coincidence, don’t you think?” Rear Adm. Crandall asked, and played the tape.

Bush: “What kind of casualties are we looking at on the Homefront?”

Cheney: “So, a few thousand, maybe more.”

Bush: “Oh, that’s not so bad.”

Rumsfeld: “Every battle has collateral damage. We must accept ours.”

Bush: “As long as we’re not getting fucking blamed for it.”

Cheney: “Like I said, that won’t happen.”

While the tape played, Bush seemed unphased, simply staring glassily at the wall as his attorney contested the tape’s veracity.

He put the tribunal in recess until December 13, 2021 Monday morning.

Rear Adm. Darse E. Crandall opened Monday’s proceedings by reading a handwritten note Dick Cheney had given to George W. Bush in June 2001.  Penmanship analysis experts, he told the panel, had verified the text and signature as Cheney’s.

“Per our Tuesday talk, have reached out to contacts. They’re on board if the price is right. They want a lot of money. It’s trivial compared to what we stand to make in the long run. Half up front, half when done. We should meet for lunch soon in New York or Washington,” Rear Adm. Crandall read.

On cue, Bush’s attorney David Aufhauser challenged the letter’s authenticity, demanding to know how JAG had magically come into possession of a scrap of paper that was over 20 years old and arguing that the message was so nebulous that no sane or intelligent person could infer criminal intent.

Aufhauser perspired, wiping sweat from his brow, and seemed visibly unnerved. His day hadn’t started on a good note. Ahead of court, he admitted to Rear Adm. Crandall that his digital forensic expert had authenticated the microcassette introduced into evidence on Friday and conceded that the voices on the tape “likely” were Rumsfeld, Bush, and Cheney’s.

He looked at the note and called it “chicken scratch.”

“Your client isn’t adept at destroying evidence,” Rear Adm. Crandall said.

“This was found among other evidence seized at his Crawford ranch. Look, this commission freely admits that Cheney did all the planning for 9/11. Bush sure doesn’t have the brains to do it. Until we catch Cheney, and we will catch him, we won’t know everything. But Bush had final authority, and he abused his authority to wage war on this country and the world. The panel, not you, Mr. Aufhauser, will decide which evidence is valid. You’ve had a chance to hear the entire tape; the panel deserves that privilege.”

He resumed the tape:

Cheney: “The less you know right now, the better. Plausible deniability. You just have to trust I know what I’m doing, George.”

Rumsfeld: “Has to be multi-pronged here. I don’t want to be the one to explain why $2.3t is missing, or where it went.”

Cheney: “None of us will have to explain anything.”

Bush: “What if your overseas friends fuck this up, Dick? In any plan a million fucking things can go wrong. We don’t want to get bitten on the ass if this goes south.”

Cheney: “Trust me, I’ll have planned for every contingency. If there’s a mishap, we can use a little friendly fire to finish the job, and cover that up. It’d be no different from what Clinton did in ’96.”

Although Cheney didn’t expand on what happened in 1996, Real Raw News believes he was referring to the downing of Flight TWA 800 in July of that year.

Bush: “Get it right, Dick, get it right.”

Rear Adm. Crandall stopped the tape and put the tribunal on recess until after lunch.

Soft-spoken and reclusive, Donald Evans was an unassuming figure in George W. Bush’s corrupt administration. A longtime friend of “double-yew,” as he referred to Bush, the Texas-born energy mogul became one of many cabinet members upon whom Bush bestowed favoritism, a gesture of reciprocity toward those who had sworn fealty to 43 throughout his years as an elected official.

While serving as the 34th Secretary of Commerce Evans kept to the shadows, seldom leaving his office unless summoned to meetings. Barely visible to begin with, he faded into total obscurity until surfacing as a witness for the prosecution Monday afternoon at Bush’s military tribunal.

He appeared on ZOOM to testify against his former boss.

Rear Adm. Darse E. Crandall addressed the witness. “Mr. Evans, this commission thanks you for being here. Could you please tell this panel what you said to me when you were first interviewed?”

As expected, Bush’s lawyer David Aufhauser voiced an objection, saying it was “highly unorthodox” to call a witness that he had not been given an opportunity to interview.

Bush for the first time raised his voice. “Of all the people, Donald, I never thought you—” he croaked.

But Rear Adm. Crandall interrupted them, saying he’d clear the chamber and finish the tribunal with Bush and Aufhauser in absentia unless all present agreed to maintain order. The commission, he said, would hear Evans’ testimony.

“I was in my office, as usual, Monday morning—that was September 10, 2001. At about 10 or 11 that morning, I can’t recall the exact time, Bush called my office phone. He said he had something to tell me. His voice, it sounded shaky—I don’t know how else to describe it. Nervous maybe. See, at the time I had family and friends working in the towers. Out of nowhere, he tells me I should tell them to not go in that day. In fact, he told me they should avoid the city,” Evans said.

“The defendant, George W. Bush, told you this? And you’re certain it was his voice on the phone?” Rear Adm. Crandall asked.

“I’ve known the man for 50 years. I’m sure I know his voice,” Evans replied.

“And did he share with you why your friends or family should avoid the towers, and Manhattan, that Tuesday, September 11?” Rear Adm. Crandall said.

“He only said something might happen, and that if it did, I was never to speak of it or the warning he gave me. He said it in a non-threatening but intimidating way, and you’d have to really know him to grasp what I mean,” Evans said.

“Did you take his advice? Did you warn them?” Rear Adm. Crandall asked.

“I did not, because I didn’t want to believe he could be serious. If I had, they’d still be alive today,” Evans said.

“And you were so fearful of Bush’s wrath that you never once in 20 years mentioned his warning to anyone?” Rear Adm. Crandall asked.

“That’s untrue. I sent a letter to the Chairman of the 9/11 Commission, Thomas Keane. He chose, I guess, to omit it from the final report,” Evans said.

After a pause, Rear Adm. Crandall asked whether the defense wished to cross-examine the witness.

“I have only two questions for you, Mr. Evans. First, did Rear Adm. Crandall, JAG, or the OMC make you any promises in return for your testimony today?” Aufhauser said.

“No, sir.”

“Do you have any proof this alleged call between you and the defendant ever took place? An audio tape, perhaps. Notes? A copy of the letter you sent to the 9/11 Commission?” Aufhauser pressed him.

“No, sir.”

Seemingly satisfied at the responses, Aufhauser had no added questions, and Rear Adm. Crandall said the next witness would appear before the tribunal Wednesday morning.

At the start of Wednesday’s proceedings Rear Adm. Darse E. Crandall produced a second audio cassette that held yet another Oval Office conversation Donald Rumsfeld had secretly recorded.

He told the 3-officer panel that the tape, featuring the voices of Rumsfeld, Bush, and Cheney, was made approximately five days after the Towers crumbled to dust. On it, the defendant asked Cheney for an approximate fatality count.

Cheney: “Looks like it’s a few more than we anticipated.”

Bush: “How many more is a few?”

Cheney: “So, we don’t know exactly, but it wouldn’t be unreasonable to say somewhere between 6,500-7,000 in New York.”

Bush: “What the fuck, Dick, you said it would be a few thousand. That’s like two, not six or seven. Fuck.”

Cheney: “We didn’t expect that many people would be in the towers on an early Tuesday morning, George, and it’s not like I could phone the planes and say ‘hey, we need you to cancel for today.’”

Bush: “I can’t tell the fucking country that 7,000 people died in New York. I’ll never get reelected.”

Cheney: “We’ll soften the blow by saying it’s, like, 2,000-3000. The nation can handle that.”

Bush: “I wish we could say a few hundred.”

Rumsfeld: “That’s pushing suspension of disbelief pretty far.”

Bush: “If we say 3000, how are we going to account for another 4000 people. That’ll be 4000 fucking families screaming to the media an anyone who’ll fucking listen that their people died and weren’t reported.”

Cheney: “We’ll have to throw some people a bone.”

Bush:” That’ll have to be one pretty big fucking bone, Dick, and I don’t want it chipping into my share.”

Cheney: “Trust me. I’ll take care of it.”

Rumsfeld: “It’ll be good for the economy. Thousands of new millionaires overnight.”

Rear Adm. Crandall stopped the tape.

He asserted to the panel that the tyrannical trio not only planned 9/11 but also conspired to conceal an unbearable death toll for fear of losing political prestige.

Cheney’s Saudi and Israeli contacts, he said, stood to profit massively from the arrangement, and blaming the tragedy on first Osama Bin Laden and then Khalid Sheikh Mohammad was a pretense for using the military of that era to both bomb the shit out of Afghanistan and seize 200,000 hectares of valuable opium fields.

Bush’s lawyer, David Aufhauser got to his feet. “What is this? You sound like you’re endorsing the Taliban, admiral.”

“No one’s endorsing the Taliban, Mr. Aufhauser. And they’re not on trial here today, but your client, George W. Bush, is. The commission would appreciate it if you can refrain from more outbursts,” Rear Adm. Crandall said.

“Never in my legal career have I seen such malicious prosecution,” Aufhauser muttered. “I won’t be silent. To stay quiet is a disservice to my client. This trial must be adjourned and moved to a different venue not run by the U.S. military.”

His impassioned soliloquy prompted Rear Adm. Crandall to have him removed from the courtroom. The tribunal, he declared, would resume after a lunch recess.

The military commission empowered to decide the fate of George W. Bush found the former president guilty of treason and murder, and decreed on Thursday that he be hanged by the neck until dead.

The 3-officer panel tasked with weighing the military’s evidence against Bush reached a decision after hearing days of heated testimony.

On Thursday Bush returned to Guantanamo Bay’s south courtroom without the benefit of having his lawyer present, the latter having been ejected from the proceedings on Wednesday for refusing to curb his theatrical, emotional outbursts. Aufhauser had vowed to file an appeal in response to his ejection, but it’s uncertain to whom he would take such action.

Two more witnesses—both appearing on ZOOM–on Thursday morning testified that George W. Bush had warned them to at all costs avoid New York City, and particularly lower Manhattan, on September 11, and with Bush’s message came a warning: Keep it confidential, or else.

Rick Osborne, a longtime friend of the Bush family and former investigator for the Texas Rangers Division, told the panel he and his family had been planning to vacation in New York the week of September 10, but cancelled on September 8 after receiving an ominous telephone call from the defendant.

“He told me his intelligence people got credible intel that a terrorist attack might go down in New York that week, and he urged me to postpone my trip. I pressed him for more info—it’s what investigators do—but he wasn’t saying much more. Just told me in damn clear terms to keep my mouth shut about his caution as it was a matter of national security,” Osborne told the panel.

“And as a member of law enforcement you didn’t feel it necessary to investigate further, or tell anyone?” Rear Adm. Crandall pressed him.

“Who the heck was I going to tell? He was George W. Bush, the president. In retrospect I wish I had, but I can’t go back in time,” Osborne said.

The next to testify was none other than James Baker, who served as White House Chief of Staff and United States Secretary of the Treasury under President Ronald Reagan, and as U.S. Secretary of State and White House Chief of Staff under President George H. W. Bush.

The 91-year-old statesman had a physician at his side and a nasal cannula in his nostrils. He struggled to speak, and between gasping breaths said that he, too, had been told by the defendant to avoid New York and D.C. the week of September 10.

“I had a public speaking engagement scheduled in New York and Washington for that week,” Baker sputtered.

“It was either two or three days before 9/11—I can’t remember what day—double-yew phoned me, telling me to stay home that week because something big was about to happen. I wanted more information, but he beat around the bush, no pun intended, and got silent. Told me, though, that both he and his father needed me to keep it a secret. I’ve known them all my life, but I knew better than to cross them. Lots of empty space in West Texas, if you catch my meaning.”

“Why are you coming forward now?” Rear Adm. Crandall asked.

“I don’t have much time left, and if there’s even a slim chance I don’t end up in hell, I’ll take it,” Baker replied.

Rear Adm. Crandall asserted that witness testimony, in combination with the Rumsfeld tapes, proved conclusively that George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, and Donald Rumsfeld were the architects of 9/11.

Although he had more “proof” to offer into evidence, the panel said it had heard enough to not only find Bush guilty but also recommend he hang for crimes against America. The 3-officers found him guilty of treason and held him to account for every life lost on 9/11.

Rear Adm. Crandall affirmed the verdict, and he set George W. Bush’s date of execution for Tuesday, January 4, 2022.

The tyrannous saga of George W. Bush is finally over.

The guards who had driven Bush to the site of his death steered him to the stairs, instructing him to ascend the steps and abide the instructions of the soldier controlling the noose. The soldier slipped Bush’s head into the rope and glanced down at Rear Adm. Crandall.

“He won’t be the last Bush to face a military tribunal,” Rear Adm. Crandall said to the two Marine generals beside him.

From Real Raw News:

Military Arrests Former President George W. Bush

Military Schedules George W. Bush, Marc Mezvinsky Tribunals

George W. Bush Denied Tribunal Extension

George W. Bush Military Tribunal: Day 1

George W. Bush Military Tribunal: Day 2.

George W. Bush Military Tribunal: Day 3, Part I

George W. Bush Military Tribunal: Day 3, Part II

George W. Bush Military Tribunal: Day 4, Part I

Military Convicts George W. Bush

George W. Bush Hanged At GITMO

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