Pharma Insider Reveals Irrefutable Evidence of Conspiracy to Commit Mass Murder by the US Department of Defense, HHS, and Pharma Cartel Via the COVID Injections in New In-Depth Presentation

Pharma industry insider Sasha Latypova lays out irrefutable evidence (with all the “receipts”) showing that the COVID-19 injections have been nothing more than a bioweapon unleashed on humanity.

Team Enigma

December 9, 2022

Pharma industry insider Sasha Latypova, who worked with 60 pharma companies from all over the world during her career (including Pfizer), also shows how the COVID injections have been entirely the product of the Department of Defense, and how the entire FDA regulatory process for the experimental substances has been a literal fraud.

For anybody paying attention, it is now crystal clear that the negative effects of the COVID-19 “vaccines” far, far, far, far outweigh any benefits they ostensibly provide. (If they even provide any, considering their tendency to cause negative efficacy.) But the truth behind the experimental injections is far darker and more twisted than a completely out-of-whack risk-reward ratio.

On the contrary, Latypova outlines in her presentation, it turns out the injections are not actually pharmaceutical products at all. Instead, they are military products. And ones that Latypova claims—with overwhelming supporting evidence—behave as a literal bioweapon

Latypova, a serial pharmaceutical entrepreneur who spent more than 25 years in the pharmaceutical industry during her career—working with over 60 pharma companies all over the world, including Pfizer—has been delivering one bombshell announcement after another lately regarding the COVID-19 “vaccines.” One of the biggest of which has been the fact that the U.S. Department of Defense (DoD)—and not pharmaceutical companies like Pfizer and Moderna—has ultimately been responsible for the COVID “vaccines’” manufacturing and distribution. The latter step occurring after the injections go through what Latypova refers to as the DoD “black box.”

In this relatively new presentation, which she recently posted to her BitChute channel dubbed Team Enigma, Latypova outlines how exactly the DoD has orchestrated the rollout of the COVID injections from manufacturing to distribution. Injections that she claims, and shows, are “toxic by design” due to their employing “mechanisms of injury,” such as forcing a recipient’s body to produce a literally unidentifiable version of the SARS-CoV-2 spike protein.

Image: Sasha Latypova

The pharma industry veteran goes into more detail than in any of her other presentations so far regarding the covert DoD operation, particularly in regards to how it’s been enabled through changes in federal law over the past several decades.

Key amongst those legal changes were several from 1997, when Congress passed two laws including the FDA Modernization Act and The National Defense Authorization Act, which, combined, allow for implementation of an Emergency Use Authorization (EUA) for a given medical product. Which, in turn, (as Latypova notes) “gets rid of the FDA’s safety and efficacy regulations and allows [the] FDA to issue emergency use authorizations for certain products which they deem required.” (Latypova adds that there were “pretty strict limitations” on the scope of EUA use originally, but says it has been expanded over time.)

Along with the federal legal changes in ’97, Latypova also highlights the implementation of 10 U.S. Code § 4021, which amended the Other Transaction Authority (OTA) of the DoD. As Cornell’s Legal Information Institute describes, OTA gives “The Secretary of Defense and the Secretary of each military department [the ability to] enter into transactions (other than contracts, cooperative agreements, and grants) [in order to carry] out basic, applied, and advanced research projects.” Cornell’s Institute adds “The authority under this subsection is in addition to the authority provided in section 4001 of this title to use contracts, cooperative agreements, and grants in carrying out such projects.”

In other words, 10 U.S. Code § 4021, implemented under the Obama Administration in 2015, allows the DoD to order “undisclosed military prototypes” from private manufacturers, such as pharmaceutical companies. Not only that, but it allows the private contractors making the DoD’s military prototypes to completely avoid any kind of manufacturing, safety, or efficacy disclosures.

The last keystone of the “pseudo-legalization” of EUA-covered military “countermeasures,” Latypova notes, was the Public Readiness and Emergency Preparedness Act—or PREP Act—which allows the head of the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) to unilaterally issue declarations recommending the manufacture, testing, development, distribution, administration, and use of one or more countermeasures.

Shortly before the supposed SARS-CoV-2 “global pandemic” (which the WHO literally refers to as a PHEIC or “fake” emergency, read more about that immediately above), Latypova notes the PREP Act was amended, “very thoroughly” exempting “anyone participating in this program, in this activity, in this bioterrorism program, from any liability from lawsuits [or] from injuries and deaths caused by these actions.”

Subsequently, the Trump administration declaring a national public health emergency in 2020—one that’s been continually extended by the Biden administration—has allowed for the DoD to rollout the fully legally immunized COVID injections. Latypova notes the public health emergency must continue in perpetuity, as “this is the keystone that holds all of this criminal structure together.”

Latypova refers to this legal framework as a “criminal structure,” in part, because these “undisclosed military products” can literally be weapons; including “biological, chemical, radiological, or nuclear” weapons. The pharma insider adds “all of [these weapons] can fall under the vaguely defined terms [of the DoD’s OTA contracts].”

Key to initiating the ability for the DoD to rollout these legally immunized, largely undisclosed products, Latypova shows, is the HHS Secretary declaring a public health emergency. Latypova explains:

“[I]t turns out that these [undisclosed military countermeasures] can be deployed at anytime that [the] HHS secretary and [the] HHS decides that they should be deployed. So it’s utterly to the discretion [of] the [Department of] Health and Human Services to declare [a] public health emergency… So now it’s what HHS feels like, and generally what they feel like is what WHO tells them to feel like. And in this case Tedros [Ghebreyesus] from WHO declared [a] global pandemic based on 40 cases of COVID—40 cases in 8 billion people… and then HHS [ran and said] ‘Pandemic! Pandemic! Pandemic!,’ [and declared a] public health emergency in the United States and once they [did] that that trigger[ed] the whole criminal structure to be clicked into placed. And when it click[ed] into place then the only criteria for deploying these vaguely defined countermeasures that Department of Defense desperately want[ed] [was] the HHS secretary [issuing an] emergency use authorization… in their sole capacity as HHS Secretary… based on the totality of scientific evidence available, if available… [that] these products may be effective. That [was] the only standard. There [was] no other standard. They [didn’t] need to be proven safe, they [didn’t] need to be proven effective, it’s just that they [had to maybe be] effective.

On top of this pseudo-legal criminal structure, Latypova notes the perpetrators of this COVID scam—including the DoD, Pfizer, Moderna, etc.—had “ample means, motive, and opportunity through… OTA contracts to ensure that no evidence ever becomes available.” Latypova adds there has also been “huge media collusion to ensure that there is no evidence; suppression of evidence. Censorship. Deletions. Deplatforming. Hiding. And lying and obfuscation.”

Most critically, Latypova shows how EUA “medical” countermeasures, “once designated as such by the Secretary of Health and Human Services, shall not be considered to constitute a clinical investigation.” This is why the FDA “approving” the COVID injections has simply been a theatric performance. Simply a farce with no legal or regulatory impact on the rollout of the undisclosed military products (i.e. the COVID injections).

“[The COVID injections] are not actually clinical investigational products,” Latypova says, “meaning that they’re not subject to any normal pharmaceutical regulatory rules. And that’s why they’re not countermeasures… you can only say what they’re not. And we definitively can say here that [the COVID injections] are not pharmaceutical products.” The pharma insider clarifies that “when [the] FDA goes on media and says, ‘Oh, you know, we reviewed COVID-19 vaccines and they’re safe and effective, they’re lying in many, many ways… .”

The first way the FDA is lying is that the agency is talking about the injections as if they have regulatory authority over them, when it does not. Likewise, the COVID “vaccine” development and approval “could be named [after] a movie or a theater production or show, [as] it’s a performance…” Latypova says. She adds “there is no vaccine development and approval because these products are not pharmaceuticals. They’re not vaccines, they’re countermeasures under EUA, under public health emergency, they’re not subject to any regulation. Especially not pharmaceutical regulation.”

This explains the very strange use of the word “demonstration” in the DoD contracts with the likes of Pfizer, Moderna, et al. Latypova adds the use of “demonstration” legally makes any regulation by the FDA in regards to the COVID-19 vaccines—including their clinical trials—utterly moot. “You cannot do a clinical trial for something that… cannot be an investigational clinical product. Also, the Good Manufacturing compliance was not ordered by these contracts because it’s not possible because the COVID injections are not a pharmaceutical product. What [the] FDA is really doing is they’re impersonating… regulators and lying to the public.”

As a result of the DoD being solely responsible for the manufacturing and delivery of the COVID injections, “no regulators in the world know what protein is actually expressed by these mRNA injections.” Apparently Pfizer, Moderna, and other ostensible producers of the COVID injections are claiming they’re injecting people with the mRNA code for the SARS-CoV-2 spike protein, when, in fact, it’s not publicly known what’s being injected, except for the fact that it is not the SARS-CoV-2 spike protein. Latypova says this is definitive, as the only thing that’s known about the produced spike protein is that it is far heavier (in terms of molecular weight) than the SARS-CoV-2 spike protein. Furthermore, the manufacturers of the COVID injections (around the world) say it’s not even possible to figure out what kind of protein the injections are developing in the human body.

As far as the national COVID-19 response plan, Latypova notes it was the National Security Council (NSC) that developed and implemented it. The pharma insider notes that “since 2018 at least we had a pandemic action plan that was called PanCAP, and that pandemic action plan stated that HHS was actually in charge of pretty much everything… [and] did not include stupid things like lockdowns. And would not mandate masks on everybody.” Those were “more reasonable and normal and science-based actions that were recommended in those plans.”

In 2020, the NSC’s PanCAP told “a completely different story.” In that version, the NSC was in charge of emergency public health policies. This is incredible, as the NSC does not even include public health agencies typically involved with public health emergencies. On the contrary, it mostly consists of national defense and intelligence leaders. “So now, all of the sudden, since 2020 [these NSC council members have been put] in charge of COVID policy.”

While the NSC was in charge of formulating the COVID policy, Latypova notes it was FEMA who ostensibly implemented it because Trump declared a national health emergency under the Stafford Act. FEMA, however, was “only a figurehead role… [and has been] visible, ceremonial, but unimportant…” Latypova adds “the HHS [has only been] in the information and propaganda role.”

After Trump invoked the Stafford Act he initiated Operation Warp Speed (OWS), which was brought in to develop the COVID injections and other countermeasures such as therapeutics and diagnostic tools. Latypova notes OWS was sold as a collaborative effort between HHS and the DoD, “but the actual organization structure” shows it was the latter agency that was entirely in charge.

Latypova shows an organizational chart revealing the decision-making structure behind OWS, with the DoD in the most executive role. The HHS was only the “chief science advisor.” This “makes it very clear that the Department of Defense [was] in charge of the whole thing,” Latypova notes.

This means the DoD was in charge of OWS, with all of the pharmaceutical companies ostensibly manufacturing the COVID injections being placed under the control of the national military agency. The pharma companies, in fact, have only been “just… a third [tier]” member of the Warp Speed organization. Latypova notes they’re very happy with the setup, however, as “they are getting billions and billions of dollars” and are “exempt of liability as long as they follow [the] orders of the Department of Defense.”

Ultimately the setup meant, and means, “the government does everything—[including] all the key components—[and is the] driver of all decisions as to how [the COVID injections have been] implemented.” Latypova adds “pharma and other companies [have just been] following [DoD] orders.” Orders handed down from 60 military officials, including at least four generals. (Only one third of OWS’s leaders were non-military officials.)

Latypova also shows the Biomedical Advanced Research and Development Authority (BARDA), an HHS office, had been developing a “vaccine manufacturing infrastructure” portfolio prior to the COVID-19 “emergency,” which goes back “many, many years.” (At least back to 2012, or much further in the case of Maryland-based pharma company Emergent BioSolutions.) Up until 2020, the vaccine manufacturers had been deployed by BARDA not just to make vaccines, but other unidentified biologics. This means that Novavax, Pfizer, Moderna, Johnson and Johnson, and AstraZeneca have not been the real manufacturers of the COVID injections.

Latypova notes:

“Indeed [Pfizer, Moderna, et al.] are not really [the COVID] vaccine makers because they didn’t have the required capacity. The capacity that was ordered in a short order was impossible to fulfill without using this established defense contracting infrastructure… [On the contrary] pretty much all of them [the supposed injection manufacturers] are using [the] word ‘demo’ [demonstration in their contracts with the DoD]. So we have Johnson and Johnson, manufacturing demo; Sanofi manufacturing demo; AstraZeneca, demo; Novavax, demo; Pfizer demo. So these are demonstrations, meaning performance art. Meaning they’re just cover.”

Due to this setup BARDA claimed that it could perform the COVID-injection clinical trials in parallel with spooling up manufacturing of the experimental substances. Latypova, notes, however “this is actually a violation of good manufacturing practices, which is Title 21 in code of federal regulation. And that code of federal regulation was specifically established to avoid this exact thing from happening.” Latypova adds “It is not possible to manufacture safe products before safety is properly tested.” Furthermore, the pharma veteran says that BARDA has claimed that it is regulating the quality of the injections, not the FDA. Which is absurd not only because they shouldn’t be behaving as a regulatory body, but also because BARDA funded the injections’ true manufacturers.

Latypova shows toward the end of her presentation that, over the course of many years, BARDA has actually funded various pharmaceutical companies and ancillary organizations to the tune of $47.5 billion; including $33 billion for vaccines. Without this funding, Latypova adds, many of these companies would’ve not even been profitable, nor would’ve invested in the products that they did.

“My conclusion here is that in the United States we do not have a private pharmaceutical manufacturing industry anymore. We have a government-controlled pharmaceutical industry. Specifically a government-defense-controlled pharmaceutical industry that funnels [a] tremendous amount of money [into companies] that get to avoid all the [federal] regulations.” This means “you have half of the industry [getting] free money, essentially, to do whatever they like without any following any rules.” The companies that are privately funded, on the contrary, “[have] to comply with incredible amounts of regulations.” The pharma insider adds that she only gives it another year or two before the private sector completely disappears from the pharmaceutical industry.

Robert Kadlec, Latypova notes, has played a key roll in dolling out these billions and billions of government dollars to these myriad pharmaceutical companies. Kadlec, who served as Assistant Secretary of Health and Human Services (Preparedness and Response) from August 2017 until January 2021, also led the update to the PREP Act “to make sure that it’s completely ironclad and bulletproof so that nobody can ever, ever sue any one of these companies, or anybody associated with [the manufacturing of the COVID injections] for any injury or liability.” (Kadlec is also an ex-lobbyist for Emergent BioSolutions.)

Latypova also shows that there is a middleman between the federal government cash and the feasting pharmaceutical companies: a non-profit dubbed Advanced Technology International (ATI). The non-profit describes itself as a way to organize a consortia of public, private, and academic organizations to perform R&D on behalf of the U.S. government. Latypova notes ATI “mostly manages R&D consortia for the Department of Defense for things like weapons manufacturing, metal casting and forging, ship production, and technology aimed at ‘countering Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMDs).'”

Not incidentally, ATI claims that it is an expert in OTA contracts. Including how to manufacture undisclosed military prototypes without needing to obey any regulations. It also manages two “heath related consortia, which focus on technologies including: gene-editing, nanotechnology, ‘telehealth solutions,’ artificial limbs and brain implants, and wearable devices to diagnose COVID-19 before symptoms appear.” The consortia also focus on “therapeutic countermeasures targeting viral, bacterial and biological toxin targets of interest to the DoD,” including the development of vaccines.

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